General Jorge Ubico ruled Guatemala for 13 years (1931-1944) as brutal dictator that favored the military, death squads and spies. After directing a massacre of students, workers, and prominent citizens in 1934, he told “Time” that “I am like Hitler, I execute first and give trial afterward.” He developed strong ties with the US and powerful triumvirate of the United Fruit Company, International Railways of Central America, and the United Fruit Steamship Company. By 1930’s the 3 companies controlled 40 percent of the Guatemalan economy. Conditions deteriorated rapidly under Ubico and eventually in 1944 a people’s movement arose that led to his resignation. The first decades following WWII are unique in Guatemala’s history because it was the first and only period of significant socioeconomic reform and a true participatory democracy. Two democratically elected presidents, Juan José Arévalo Bermejo and Jacobo Árbenz Guzmán, introduced agrarian reform, improved education and health care, and abolished forced unpaid labor.
Inequitable land distribution was a major barrier to economic growth and justice. A 1949 Library of Congress study revealed that “raising the standard of living through diversification and mechanization is greatly dependent on changes in the distribution of the profits and the land. The large land owners were losing their source of cheap labor via land reforms like Decree 900. Land that was not used for 3 years would be expropriated by the government at the owner’s declarations of tax value and distributed to peasant farmers. The United Fruit Company lost 381,000 acres of land at $3 an acre. The US responded to land reform by Árbenz; in cooperation with the “Liberation Army.” The army was headed by Colonel Carlos Castillo Armas and aided by the CIA, they overthrew Árbenz.
The “ten years of spring” threaten powerful interest; the Catholic Church, military, and the oligarchy. Árbenz and Arévalo created an environment where unions, cooperatives, student associations and church groups could flourish. They would create a real participatory democracy, much different from that practiced in the United States. Some call the 1954 coup the most blatant North American intervention in the history of Latin America. The coup, called “Operation Success,” was approved by President Eisenhower, was implemented by the CIA in cooperation with the United Fruit Company and a few dissidents from Guatemala. Two of the most powerful men in America at that time were John Foster Dulles, Secretary of State, and Allen Dulles, director of the CIA, both had ties with the United Fruit Company. Following the coup, the United States placed Colonel Armas to be president.
The years during the war were characterized by corrupt military rule, fraudulent elections, coups and assassinations. Known as the birthplace of “the disappeared” and no official political prisoners, enemies of the government were either buried in secret cemeteries or left on the side of the road as a reminder to the general public. Despite escalating violence and active repression, a popular movement erupted throughout the country in the 1970s. Cooperatives among farmers, artisans, and unions aided by Catholic Action groups; human rights groups formed to investigate and protest human rights violations. The progress made during the “10 years of spring” dissipated. Four years after the coup, less than .5% of the people who had received land under Decree 900 still held it, 533 labor union registrations were canceled and labor legislation erased. In an attempt to keep Guatemala free of communism, the United States provided military training and supplies.
Under the leadership of Julio César Méndez Montenegro, Guatemala gradually was given over to the top military leaders who crushed the small guerrilla movement, killing thousands of civilians in the campaign. After eliminated the guerrillas, the army targeted the popular movement: church groups, unions, cooperatives, and professional associations.
In 1970 Colonel Arana head of the army used death squads who rained terror on the countryside in the name of anticommunism, counterinsurgency, and national security. Prepared by “Ojo por Ojo”, death lists of reformist politicians and union leaders appeared regularly. From November to March of 700 political killings occurred; Arana promised to eliminate all guerrillas “even if it is necessary to turn Guatemala into a cemetery.”
General Romeo Lucas García won presidency in 1978 through an election called “a fraud so transparent that nobody could expect to get away with it.” During this time, Guatemalans experienced massive, selective repression. In 1980, 1000 union members were assassinated and universities experienced daily deaths and disappearances. The Guatemalan Vise-President admitted “death or exile is the fate of those who fight for justice in Guatemala.” Using tactics of the US in Vietnam, Lucas García implemented a scorched-earth policy of burning entire villages and fields. The guerrilla movement received unprecedented growth for individual and community defense against the killings and acts of terror, as opposed to a real understanding and commitment to the cause.
José Efraín Ríos Montt overthrew Lucas García in 1982 and promised reforms: elections, a safer Guatemala, democracy and less corruption in the government and military. He initiated a counterinsurgency program of “frijoles y fusiles” (beans and bullets) and a social program of food distribution. However, the army continued the scorched-earth policy, burning crops and forests, bombing and destroying villages, and killing over 4,000 people during the first 63 days of the regime. A leader of the evangelical fundamentalist church “El Verbo”, he received political and financial support from the religious right in the US to fund a war against communism and a religious war. Anyone opposing the government program was accused of opposing the will of God. During the 18 months of his administration, over 30,000 died, 20,000 refugees fled to the border of Mexico and 1 million internally displaced individuals. Those responsible have not been called to account yet and Ríos Montt had immunity as president of the Congress until 2003.
Óscar Humberto Mejía Victores, was known as the most violent senior officer of the military ousted Ríos Montt in 1983. He represented interests of the rural elite and continued to operate death squads openly even though massacres occurred less frequently. Assassinations escalated in urban areas as union leaders, students, teachers, church and human rights workers were targeted.
Between 1985-1996, three civil presidents were elected. At least since 1954, Guatemala had a military that governed largely through fear and intimidation. If only on paper, the 1985 elections restored a civilian government, the rule of law, and limited political pluralism. Vinicio Cerezo was the first civilian elected president in 15 years but his administration was a disappointment for those interested in human rights and less militarism. It was less dangerous for dissenters but abductions, killings and torture still occurred. On January 6, 1991, Jorge Serrano Elías became president and the first Protestant elected president in Latin America. He was a right wing businessman who campaigned on a law and order platform and served as Council of State for Ríos. During the 1990 campaign, more than twelve leading politicians were murdered. Despite penalties for nonvoters, only 30% cast their ballot. Like Cerezo, Serrano talked a lot about peace and human rights but violence increased. Human rights activists and other members of the popular sector remain targets for threat, intimidation, and torture at the hands of government security forces. Both the President and Vice-President comment that the military is the dominate institution and the government does not have the ability to provide for the people. In May of 1993, President Serrano suspended the Constitution, dissolved the Congress, Supreme Court, and the Constitutional Court, and announced a coup. The coup was carried out in full knowledge and support of the military hierarchy; it was a military coup behind a civilian facade.
On June 1 the military ousted Serrano and 6 days later the Guatemalan Congress elected Ramiro de León Carpio. As Human Rights Procurator, he spoke out against the Serrano government and the military. He attempted to build support for peace talks and fired the Defense Minister; however, de León affirmed the important role of the Army and civil patrols. In 1996, Álvaro Arzú Irigoyen of the National Advancement Party (PAN) was elected. He represented the alliance of conservative business interests and held modernization of the state as his priority. His first action was to restructure the Army and remove 118 National Police officers. He removed 1/3 of the Army’s 23 generals and promoted officers in favor of a negotiated settlement with the Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unity (URNG). Common crime and kidnappings grew exponentially and the Human Rights Procurator’s Office received more than 7,000 reports of human rights violations in the first five months. Alvaro Arzú’s biggest achievement was the successful conclusion of the peace negotiations, which lasted nearly 10 years and the signing of the final peace contract on 29 December 1996 that put an end to the 36 years of civil war.
criticism
The Guatemalan army was found guilty of committing 93% of the total war crimes, and the U.R.N.G. forces were charged with 3% of the violations. The army carried out over 600 massacres and its counterinsurgency campaign had legally constituted genocide against the Mayan people. A key finding of the report was the conclusion that the United States government had directly contributed to this thirty year genocidal campaign. This included not only the 1954 CIA coup against President Árbenz, but also included the training of known human rights violators at the School of the Americas and other military centers, the continued financing of such human rights violators, and the close collaboration with military intelligence units which carried out death squad activities. Despite the extreme and obvious repression, the U.S. continued to send massive military aid throughout most of the war. Even when such aid was temporarily suspended, arms and equipment supplies continued. The School of the Americas continued to train and graduate Guatemalan officers who became notorious for their human rights violations. Training manuals used clearly indicate practices which would violate human rights. Meanwhile, CIA officials worked closely with Guatemalan intelligence officers linked to death squad activities. Many such officers were on CIA payroll as "assets" or paid informants, despite their well known record for serious human right violations. The CIA, moreover, knowingly paid "assets" for information obtained through the use of kidnapping, torture and extrajudicial execution.
More steps are required before Guatemala becomes a democracy. There are still to many abuses of human rights and too little freedom to label Guatemala a democracy; criteria for a democracy require “legal freedom to formulate and advocate political alternatives with the concomitant rights to free association, free speech, and other basic freedoms of person; free and nonviolent competition among leaders with periodic validation of their claim to rule and provision for the participation of all members of the political community, whatever their political preferences”.